The Federation Death Rattle'

At the turn of the decade, the Federation found itself once again in dire straits. Except for Dong Zhui's 217 Mafia, it had pacified most major pirate strongholds in the Orion Arm, ultimately making trade routes safe to traverse once more. However, the cost of maintaining a campaigning force was by no means an easy task. Even late into the campaign season, the Federation treasury was almost nil.

Once DeRyck’s flotilla returned home, the need for maintenance, troop salaries, and pensions were an overwhelming burden on the federalist finances. It was deemed necessary to raise tariffs on colonial goods. Several laws that were biased in the favor of Metropolitan Sol were passed in the forthcoming years, often without a colonial say in the matters in parliament. Political-social dissent was at an all-time high.

This had ruffled representatives from the outer regions. Feathers were no doubt ruffled, surely, but it was seen as a necessity to maintain the naval expenditure.

With each passing year, the Federation death rattle became ever more so distinctive.

“Reform! Reform! Abolish colonial tariffs! No taxation without representation!”

Yesteryear was scientific ambition, but the crop of tomorrow’s youth yearn not for the colonization of the stars but liberty and equality.

A sense of radical liberty moved like an exhilarating tidal wave throughout the Orion Arm. It was a sensational movement that shook the foundations of society to its fundamental core. But most importantly, it was dividing. Had the forefathers of the Federation foresaw their descendants at one another’s throats, they would’ve most certainly wept.

In the 217 Mafia, the events were closely monitored by Li Chou, who commented that a divided Federation would be in the best interests of the regime as it would greatly reduce the risk of facing another Federation onslaught. On the other hand, she feared that Dong Zhui would get ambitious and undo her victories if he ever dared to make a move. Li Chou surmised that in such a scenario, the Federation would unify for a common good if she, in particular, led the charge.

Just as the populace was singing for reform, the inner workings of government, too, was in chaos. Some came to their senses of greater equality, and then some wanted to centralize Syndey’s power even further.

Some, like DeRyck, who had retired to become a member of parliament, was cautious of looming conflict. Together with Garofano as his running mate, ran for the year 226 prime minister elections on the platform of more colonial representation in legislative affairs. DeRyck also hoped to lessen the tariffs that were keeping Metropolitan Sol’s direct benefactors in a chokehold, as a sign of goodwill.

Despite DeRyck’s best intentions for reform, found no concrete support from the wild youth, but thanks to Garofano’s popularity in the Frankish domain, had found some moderate support there. DeRyck’s rather stiff conservativeness was remarked by both contemporary and future historians as working against him—undermining himself against his political opponents who were becoming increasingly radicalized.

Given this, he was far too out of touch with a populace that was increasingly revolutionary. It occurred to him that his current efforts were rather futile, albeit too late into the electoral campaign for his chance of winning the prime ministry. Rather than stall the inevitable, DeRyck attempted to accelerate it.

In October 226 UC, DeRyck stood before Parliament and delivered a key speech laying the outline for increased military spending, particularly for the Metropolitan Space Navy. Pieces of the speech also brought up a call for reforms in the form of a reservist force. DeRyck also urged for greater measures in the training of the individual soldier. The speech was finished with a rather bold statement;

“[…] Should there be war in our time, I will [immediately] resign parliament to resume my post in the Admiralty. Then smite the rebels with such velocity that [the war] will be over before years’ end.”

It was riveting, reportedly met with thunderous applause. The increased spending for the military over the next few years was thanks to DeRyck’s fiery session that day.

When the elections occurred in December 226, DeRyck and Garofano had lost a close-tie to Bern Halil to heightened controversy in the Metropolitan systems. Despite the loss, however, DeRyck acted as a military adviser in his cabinet and Bern had implemented many of his ideas.

Discouraged by Metropolitan politics, Garofano resumed his post in the military as a vice admiral (having been promoted since the Toscana campaign before his brief flirting with politics) and returned to his headquarters in the Frankish domain on the eve of the new year.

While the Federalists would be occupied with their own devices, colonial delegates would regularly convene in Vardini for their political affairs. Among these was the issue of Metropolitan Sol’s tariffs, notwithstanding whiffs of secession. There was no way to nudge the hegemony Metropolitan Sol had in the house of representatives, less even members of parliament.

The most prominent secession movement came in the form of those from the enormous Ruthenian region. Separate conventions of smaller magnitude unfolded in neighboring regions. Most of these movements would unify for a greater good, with the only exception being Zonal and the southernmost region of Lombardia.

However, not every politician in the colonies was for secession. Opponents argued that seceding from the Federation would spell disaster for local economies if war broke out, clinging on to the sentiment that conciliation with the central regime was still possible.

Factionalism would, however, take root in the anti-secessionists camp, as many were doubtful of changing the status quo in Sydney. Regardless of intent, many had hoped for a peaceful departure from the Federation, ultimately even co-existence between the two states.

One common idea that united both camps was the fear that if the outer colonies did severe ties with Metropolitan Sol, the warlord Dong Zhui would make his move and march across Rouen and impose his will across the southern portion of the Orion Arm. This was a strong sentiment in both camps, who believed if the Madame Scarface was in charge of his vanguard, the Hatallio and indeed the outer colonies would stand no chance against her.

Some optimistically believed that the Hatallio would suffice enough to deter Dong Zhui from such a bold move, believing that even the mighty fortress with its garrison fleet would be powerful enough for even the revered Madame Scarface to handle it. Failing that, there was always the Schiebfonda as a fall back in the event the Hatallio falls, which many believed would buy a secessionist state enough time to respond to the Mafia incursion.

Time would tell.